The paper phase of the rescheduling fight ended on August 17. The DEA filed its closing brief with Chief Administrative Law Judge Derek Julius, formally urging him to recommend moving marijuana to Schedule III, and spent a striking share of its 50 allotted pages attacking the credibility of the expert witnesses the agency itself invited to oppose the rule. The seven opposition parties filed the same day. The evidentiary record is now closed, nobody gets to add another word, and the case sits with one judge who answers to no calendar.

The opposition filings came from Smart Approaches to Marijuana jointly with the states of Idaho, Indiana, and Nebraska, plus separate briefs from the Tennessee Bureau of Investigation, the National Drug and Alcohol Screening Association, DUID Victim Voices, Dr. Kenneth Finn, and Dr. Phillip Drum. Everyone worked under the same constraint Julius set in July: 50 double-spaced pages, closing arguments included, because the eleven hearing days left no time for closings in the room.

What did the DEA argue in its final brief?

The DEA argued that marijuana can no longer remain in Schedule I because it has a currently accepted medical use in the United States and accepted safety under medical supervision, resting its case on the HHS scientific and medical evaluation that produced the 2023 Schedule III recommendation. The rest of the brief went after the opposition's experts.

That second part deserves a pause. The seven parties in this hearing were there by DEA invitation. The agency picked its opponents, gave them the floor for two weeks, and then filed a brief describing their testimony as largely irrelevant to the statutory question. Our July coverage flagged that an opposition witness had conceded under cross-examination that cannabis fits the Schedule III criteria; the DEA's brief now puts that in writing, noting that Drum himself floated Schedule II as the more fitting category during testimony. When the government can quote your own expert against your position, the brief writes itself.

What did the opposition argue?

The joint SAM and states brief opened by pointing out that DEA and HHS have considered and rejected rescheduling before, framing the current proposal as a political product rather than a scientific one. The DUID Victim Voices and Finn brief opened with the fentanyl memorial displayed at DEA headquarters, arguing the agency has a chance to prevent a future wall of faces. Closing a drug-scheduling argument by invoking the agency's own record on opioid enforcement is a choice, given how that record reads.

When does the judge rule?

No deadline exists. Julius issues his recommended decision whenever he finishes, the DEA Administrator acts on it whenever he chooses and is not bound by it, and only that final order can be challenged in federal court. Outside forecasts cluster around late 2026 to early 2027. Treat those as guesses; every prior estimate in this proceeding has slipped.

For edibles buyers, nothing changes this week. State-licensed medical cannabis already sits in Schedule III under the April order, dispensary shelves run on state law either way, and the practical payload of full rescheduling is tax relief for licensed operators, which reaches shelf prices slowly if it reaches them at all. We covered that math in our Schedule III explainer. The hemp ban keeps its own separate clock: November 12, or December 11 for most provisions if the House adopts the Senate's funding bill after it returns August 31.

The date collision is the part worth watching. The recommendation can drop any week, including the September window when Congress fights over government funding and the hemp delay rides along in the same bill. A Schedule III headline landing in the middle of that negotiation would hand both sides of the hemp fight fresh ammunition, and neither chamber has shown it can hold two cannabis thoughts at once.